By Manuel Schonhorn
This examine of Defoe's politics goals to problem the serious call for to work out Defoe as a "modern" and to counter misrepresentations of his political writings by way of restoring their seventeenth-century context. delivering an entire exam of Defoe's years as a political reporter and journalist (1689-1715), it recovers his conventional, conservative and anti-Lockean principles on modern matters: the origins of society, the position of the folks within the institution of a political society and the way monarchies are created and maintained because the technique of attaining a beneficent political order. on the center of Defoe's political mind's eye, Manuel Schonhorn reveals the imaginative and prescient of a warrior-king, derived from resources within the Bible, and in historic and English background. The version illuminates his unique interpreting of Robinson Crusoe, which emerges much less by way of a relations romance, a tract for the emerging bourgeoisie or a Lockean parable of presidency, than as a dramatic re-enactment of Defoe's life-long political preoccupations relating society, govt and kingship.
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Additional info for Defoe’s Politics: Parliament, Power, Kingship and ’Robinson Crusoe’
See E m e r s o n , Monmouth's Rebellion, p p . 7 2 - 7 3 . E a r l e , Monmouth's Rebels ( p . 11) notes the a r m y ' s religious c o m p o n e n t ; cf. L a c e y , Dissent, p . 173. F o r 1689 see A Brief Memoir of Mr. Justice Rokeby, ed. W . Collins (Surtees Society, 1861), vol. 3 7 , p p . 3 5 , 4 9 . C o n s u l t J o s e p h W i t t r e i c h ' s fine b i b l i o g r a p h y of these years in The Apocalypse, pp. 408-10. 53 R o b e r t s , Monmouth, I, 2 3 2 . Defoe, dissent, and monarchy 19 England's present was conditioned by its past.
239; The Case of the Protestant Dissenters in Carolina (London, 1706), p . 3 1 ; Seldom Comes a Better (London, 1710), p . 11; The Present State of the Parties in Great Britain, pp. 237, 277, 279. But see Review, VI, 132 (9 Feb. 1710). 43 The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law, p. 5 1 . Defoe's Reflections and the political languages of 1689 33 . . by the naturall lawe whereunto [God] hath . . made all subject, the lawfull power of making lawes to commande whole politique societies of men belongeth so properly unto the same intire societies, that for any Prince or potentate of what kinde soever upon earth to exercise the same of him selfe and not either by express commission immediatly and personally receyved from God, or els by authoritie derived at the first from their consent upon whose persons they impose lawes, it is no better than meere tyrannye.
For Locke and Hooker see Two Treatises, p. 57; II, 2 (p. 288). Locke cites the passage on II, 11 (p. 374). See also Algernon Sidney, Discourses Concerning Government, 3rd ed. (London, 1751) p. 85. 47 48 Order and Reason in Politics: Theories of Absolute and Limited Monarchy in Early Modern England (Oxford: Oxford U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1978), p p . 1 2 6 - 5 0 ; a n d " R i c h a r d H o o k e r a n d the Peculiarities of the English: T h e R e c e p t i o n of the Ecclesiastical Polity in the Seventeenth a n d Eighteenth C e n t u r i e s , " History of Political Thought, (1981), 6 3 - 1 1 7 .