By Bishwanath Ghosh
Bishwanath Ghosh had alighted from his educate at Itarsi station to stretch his legs and seize a tumbler of tea ahead of he resumed his trip.
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However, once they are formed, the explanations of how these networks function and the conditions under which they succeed make them appear to be a transnational version of interest groups—groups that act across borders (much like domestic interest groups) in a strategic manner to affect and, hopefully, alter state policy. To that extent, the dominant disciplinary conception of transnationalism remains, at its core, an extension of the liberal conception of state politics—a point I will return to in the following section.
What holds these initiatives together is that they serve to acknowledge the rights of the various diaspora groups and the duties of the concerned state toward these groups, even if this acknowledgment remains purely rhetorical, as it does in many cases. In other words, these initiatives are all aimed at extending the boundaries of the nation beyond the territorial limits of the state. To that extent, in acknowledging the claims of a territorially dispersed “global nation” on its institutions, state policies take on a transnational form.
This certainly seems to be the case in the study of transnational nationalisms. 74 From the standpoint of putting into focus the domestic abroad phenomenon, this lack of attention becomes a serious issue. The construction of particular historical national narratives characterizing the production of the domestic abroad, in which diasporas appear in one way or another as a seamless extension of the nation and the embodiment of its many virtues, is a process that is primarily driven by the state. Diasporas are, of course, an essential part of these state projects.